Parliamentarians from Southeast Asia and Europe urge the UN and the US to take sides in the struggle for democracy in Myanmar

Parliamentarians from Southeast Asia and Europe urge the UN and the US to take sides in the struggle for democracy in Myanmar

NEW YORK – A delegation of parliamentarians from Southeast Asia and Europe urged officials at the United Nations, U.S. State Department, and U.S. Congress to support the pro-democracy movement in Myanmar in its struggle against the brutal military junta established by Senior General Min Aung Hlaing after the illegal coup on 1 February 2021.

The delegation traveled to New York and Washington, D.C., and presented to a variety of stakeholders the preliminary findings and recommendations of the International Parliamentary Inquiry (IPI) into the global response to the crisis in Myanmar, organized by ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR).

The delegation included Heidi Hautala, Vice President of the European Parliament and Chairperson of the IPI; Charles Santiago, Malaysian MP and Chairperson of APHR; and APHR Board Members Mercy Chriesty Barends, member of the Indonesian House of Representatives, U Shwe Maung, former Myanmar Member of Parliament, and Tom Villarin, former Congressman from the Philippines.

We have impressed upon the stakeholders we have met the necessity for governments committed to supporting democracy in Myanmar to acknowledge the National Unity Government (NUG) as the legitimate authority in the country, increase and coordinate pressure on the junta, launch initiatives of capacity building for the NUG and other pro-democracy forces, and scale up humanitarian aid channeled it through civil society organizations,” said Charles Santiago.

The APHR-IPI delegation held meetings with the Acting UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Ilze Brands Kehris, as well as officials from the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (UNHCR). In New York, the delegation also took part in a meeting hosted by the Malaysian Foreign Minister, Dato Sri Saifuddin Abdullah, with several members of the NUG.

In Washington, the delegation met with members of Congress, including Representative Ilhan Omar, also a member of the IPI, as well as officials from the State Department.

The United States has an important role to play in exerting pressure on the junta and supporting the pro-democracy forces. We called for the imposition of sanctions on the Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE), one of the main sources of funding for the Myanmar military, as the European Union has already done. We believe that those governments and international institutions that claim to support democracy in Myanmar should cut the flow of funds to the junta and do so in a coordinated and consistent manner,” said Heidi Hautala.

As the Myanmar military continues to engage in acts which the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights has said may amount to “crimes against humanity and war crimes.” It is throwing the country into chaos, and the international community’s response has fallen woefully short, despite repeated expressions of concern.

In order to analyze this failure and offer solutions to the impasse, APHR decided to launch the IPI in June. The IPI has held a total of six public hearings, as well as two special and three confidential hearings, with experts, diplomats, politicians, and activists from Myanmar and other countries. IPI committee members also conducted a fact-finding mission to the Thai-Myanmar border, where they met with over dozen civil society organizations and other stakeholders. The IPI will release a report with its full findings and recommendations in early November.

A strong US-ASEAN partnership starts with Myanmar

A strong US-ASEAN partnership starts with Myanmar

By Charles Santiago and Ed Markey.

This Friday, while United States President Joe Biden hosts a special summit with leaders of ASEAN to mark 45 years of partnership, a crisis rages on in Myanmar.

Myanmar, one of ASEAN’s 10 members, has spiraled into a state of chaos and violence since the Myanmar military overthrew the country’s democratically elected government in February 2021. The coup d’état abruptly ended a decade of democratic reforms that had brought a democratically-elected government to power, reflecting the will of the people of Myanmar.

As elected representatives from the US and Southeast Asia, we are appalled by the abuses perpetrated by the Myanmar military and are joining together on the occasion of the US-ASEAN summit – in the true spirit of US and ASEAN partnership – to demand a strong, coordinated, and global response to the devastation wrought at the hands of military leaders in Myanmar.

Since the 2021 coup, the Myanmar military has been engaged in an all-out assault against political opponents, journalists, health workers, and civilians, killing at least 1,800 people, including children, and arresting more than 10,000 people. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees counts nearly 300,000 internally displaced people inside the country since the coup, with 25,000 having fled across borders to neighboring countries.

Yet, the response of the international community has been clearly insufficient. The UN Security Council has failed to adopt a global arms embargo, a coordinated sanctions regime, or to successfully negotiate the delivery of humanitarian aid. The military government continues its campaign of repression against its own citizens with impunity. This inertia is likely to persist, given that the junta is protected by the Russian and Chinese governments.

That is why it is imperative for ASEAN and the US to come together on a course of action that will alleviate the suffering of Myanmar’s people and restore their democracy.

Some positive steps have been taken in that direction. On March 21, US Secretary of State Antony Blinken declared the crimes, beginning in 2017, committed against the Rohingya people by the Burmese military as genocide and crimes against humanity. This is an important step on the path to accountability and justice but alone will not be enough.

Over the last year, the US government has imposed targeted sanctions on Commander-in-Chief of the Myanmar military Min Aung Hlaing and his henchmen, and has blocked the junta from withdrawing US$1 billion dollars held at the Federal Reserve Bank of New York. The European Union, the United Kingdom, and Canada have also imposed their own sanctions and arms embargoes.

Meanwhile, ASEAN has taken the unprecedented measure of refusing to invite Min Aung Hlaing to its annual leader’s summit, and agreed in April 2021 to a five-point consensus that includes demands for an end to the violence and dialogue between all parties, the appointment of a Special Envoy to Myanmar, and the provision of humanitarian aid.

None of that, however, has deterred the junta. As the situation in Myanmar continues to deteriorate, the international and regional response must be escalated. Here’s what we recommend:

The US should take a page from the smart playbook it has deployed against Russia for its war of aggression in Ukraine by doubling down on punishing sanctions, and include the Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE), a state conglomerate that the junta seized shortly after the coup. The military has seized an estimated $1.5 billion in gas revenues and is using these funds to tighten its undemocratic grip on power.

While the US can play an important role, ASEAN should lead the way in resolving the Myanmar crisis and restoring the democratically-elected government of Myanmar.

It is evident that the junta has totally failed to comply with the Five-Point Consensus, and this should come with consequences. Now is the time for ASEAN to adopt much stronger measures, including the suspension of Myanmar’s ASEAN membership, travel bans in the region, and targeted sanctions against the leaders of the coup.

Both ASEAN member states and the US should bolster the legitimacy of the National Unity Government of Myanmar (NUG). It represents the democratically-elected government and receives support from the majority of the Myanmar people. Senior Biden administration officials have met with NUG officials, and recently the foreign minister of Malaysia announced that he had held informal conversations with NUG officials. These are encouraging steps, but more engagement with the NUG is needed.

Finally, the US and ASEAN must work together on delivering urgent humanitarian aid. International NGOs estimate that over 14 million people in Myanmar are in need of assistance. This aid should be channeled through locally trusted community-based and civil society organizations to effectively reach those that need it the most.

The US, ASEAN member states, and neighboring countries like Thailand should open their doors to refugees fleeing persecution and violence in Myanmar.

We have joined together, parliamentarians from opposite sides of the globe, because we share the same concern with the crisis that has unfolded in Myanmar. The people of Myanmar are victims of crimes against humanity so severe that they are a stain on our common humanity. They concern us all. The US, ASEAN, and partners like the EU, the UK, Japan, Australia, and India, have a responsibility to act in the face of such atrocities.

ASEAN should lead the way in these global efforts to stop the crimes being perpetrated by the military junta in neighboring Myanmar, hold leaders accountable, and protect the Myanmar people who are suffering so grievously under their yoke.

The US should use its position as a global leader for good by backing these efforts. This is what the next chapter of a strong US-ASEAN partnership can accomplish.

Charles Santiago is a Malaysian member of parliament and chair of ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights.

Ed Markey is a United States senator (Democrats-Massachusetts).

This article first appeared in The Jakarta Post.

US must assist with climate finance

US must assist with climate finance

By Kasit Piromya.

As US President Joe Biden is due to meet with leaders from Southeast Asian countries this week at the US-Asean Summit in Washington from May 12-13, one issue on which Washington bears an enormous responsibility — and from which Asean countries suffer enormous consequences — will be high on the agenda: climate change.

As the biggest economy in the world and the country responsible for more emissions than any other over the past three centuries, the United States ranks as the biggest single contributor to climate change, a dubious honour that China may be now chasing.

Meanwhile, Southeast Asia is among the regions where the climate crisis is the most destructive, as it threatens the livelihoods, security and rights of the more than 680 million people who live in areas prone to natural disasters, including typhoons, floods and droughts.

This kind of destruction is to a large extent caused by advanced economies like the United States and, to put it bluntly, they have an obligation to pay for the damage their model of development has inflicted on the planet. It is America’s responsibility to financially assist Asean, as well as poorer regions, in moving towards a just, sustainable and resilient green economy.

While our region has committed to achieve net-zero greenhouse gas emissions, the commitments of Asean members under the Paris Agreement are far from sufficient to halt global warming.

One of the main obstacles to speedier and stronger climate action in the region is not just the lack of political will, but also the costs involved. Transitioning from fossil fuels to clean and renewable energy sources requires enormous financial investments up-front. This is all the more difficult at a time when the region already needs to mitigate its debt crisis after having borrowed money to support the post-pandemic economic recovery. And here is precisely where the United States can and should help Southeast Asia, by making sure that Asean members get access to international climate funds and by financially contributing to support their energy transitions.

Sadly, the US government’s financial support for the bloc on this matter falls way short of the mark. At last year’s US-Asean Summit, President Biden pledged to double the climate finance contributed by his predecessor Barack Obama, raising the figure from US$3 billion (103.8 billion baht) to $5.7 billion, with the stated intention to “make the US a leader in international climate finance”.

However, that pledge does not reflect the US’s fair share of the $100 billion climate finance goal, promised by rich nations to less wealthy countries to help them mitigate and adapt to climate change. According to an analysis by the Overseas Development Institute (ODI), the United States should contribute between $43 billion and $50 billion each year to climate finance, based on its gross national income and cumulative emissions.

If Washington wants to protect its long-term strategic interests in Southeast Asia, particularly now that China is becoming increasingly assertive in the region, it should step up its commitment to climate finance at this week’s US-Asean Summit to help members of the bloc further reduce their carbon emissions.

Moreover, the US could use its preeminent position at the International Monetary Fund (IMF) to ensure a more equitable distribution to developing countries of the IMF’s Special Drawing Rights (SDRs). SDRs are international reserve assets that can be traded between the central banks of IMF member countries to support the global recovery process from Covid-19 and address the climate crisis in the Global South — Latin America, Asia, Africa and Oceania.

A test of Washington’s willingness to cooperate with Asean in ensuring the region’s economic stability and tackling the climate change crisis would be to use its influence at the IMF to support a reallocation for developing countries of the SDRs’ funds as non-repayable grants instead of loans.

By doing so, Asean would be able to accelerate its energy transition and commitment to the global climate change objective of reducing emissions.

The challenges posed by climate change cannot wait. Asean members should join forces at the summit this week to secure a meaningful and stronger commitment from the US for climate finance in the region, at a time when more ambitious climate-related improvements are urgently needed.

Kasit Piromya is a former Foreign Minister of Thailand, and a Board Member of Asean Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR).

This article first appeared in The Bangkok Post.

Statement to the US and ASEAN on Myanmar ahead of summit in Washington

Statement to the US and ASEAN on Myanmar ahead of summit in Washington

JAKARTA – Parliamentarians from Southeast Asia urge the United States of America and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations to take the opportunity of their upcoming summit in Washington to increase their pressure on the Myanmar military junta, which staged a coup d’état in February last year and has thrown the country into a state of chaos ever since.

The leaders of ASEAN and the United States have declared that they intend to enhance their strategic partnership for the mutual benefit of the peoples of ASEAN and the United States. In that spirit, ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR) advises that they should take concrete steps to address the inherent threat to peace, economic development and human security in Southeast Asia posed by the crisis in Myanmar.

“Let this 45th anniversary of US-ASEAN relations be the occasion for the  US and ASEAN governments to begin a new phase in their relations that truly benefits the people and puts human rights and the prevention of atrocities, in Myanmar and elsewhere, at the top of the agenda. They can no longer ignore the threat that the junta in Myanmar poses to the security of millions of people at the heart of Southeast Asia,” said Charles Santiago, Member of Parliament from Malaysia, and APHR Chairperson.

The current crisis is wholly and solely caused by the junta, led by Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, which overthrew the democratically elected government led by Aung San Suu Kyi on 1 February 2021. The Myanmar population has valiantly resisted the coup and, in order to impose its rule on the country, the military has committed widespread atrocities. According to the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, these may amount to war crimes and crimes against humanity.

Over the last year, Myanmar’s military has completely ignored the ASEAN’s Five Point Consensus on Myanmar, which was agreed on in April 2021 and was also supported by the US. Violence continues unabated, there is no dialogue between the junta and forces resisting military rule, and humanitarian aid is not reaching the Myanmar people.

The Special Summit provides the perfect opportunity for the allies to work on coordinated measures to make Min Aung Hlaing and his junta pay the price for their failure to abide by an agreement they claimed to accept.

“Humanity is our common thread across the Pacific and across the world. We must stand together in the face of these atrocities, Asians and Americans, as we share the same concern for the people of Myanmar. Now is the time for ASEAN and the US to make their historic alliance truly meaningful to people in desperate need,” said Mercy Barends, MP in Indonesia and an APHR Board Member.

We urge the US and ASEAN to adopt much stronger measures than those taken so far, including the suspension of Myanmar’s membership in the group, travel bans in the region for Min Aung Hlaing and his generals, and targeted sanctions against the leaders of the coup. The US has already imposed some sanctions since the coup, but it should reinforce them and include the Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE), a state conglomerate that has given 1.5 billion dollars in gas revenues to the junta.

We also urge the US and ASEAN governments to publicly meet with Myanmar’s National Unity Government (NUG), which represents the democratically elected government and receives support from the majority of the Myanmar people.

Lastly, we call on the United States and ASEAN to work together to urgently deliver the life-saving humanitarian aid that the Myanmar people need. This aid should be channeled as much as possible through Myanmar’s community-based and civil society organizations, to effectively reach those that need it the most. The United States and ASEAN member states, especially Thailand, should also welcome the people of Myanmar who are fleeing persecution and violence, and give them asylum.

APHR stands ready to assist the US and ASEAN as they formulate and carry out their policies to address this crisis, and will remain vigilant to ensure that the steps taken by the US and ASEAN truly serve to support the Myanmar people’s aspirations for human rights, peace and democracy.

Click here to read this statement in Burmese.

Click here to read this statement in Bahasa Indonesian.

Click here to read this statement in Bahasa Malay.

Click here to read this statement in Thai.

ASEAN MPs to Obama: Stand up for democracy and human rights in Vietnam

ASEAN MPs to Obama: Stand up for democracy and human rights in Vietnam

JAKARTA — During his upcoming visit to Vietnam, US President Barack Obama should make that country’s dismal record on human rights and democracy central to discussions with government officials and emphasize the need for substantive progress on these issues before further cooperation can proceed, ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR) said today.

The collective of regional lawmakers urged President Obama to call on Vietnamese leaders to free prisoners of conscience, cease harassment and persecution of human rights defenders, remove restrictions on independent civic and religious groups, and allow for genuine freedom of expression, association, and assembly. They also urged Mr. Obama to make any agreements with the Vietnamese government, including a decision to lift a longstanding arms embargo, contingent upon evidence of sustainable improvements in these areas.

“It’s clear that trade and security cooperation with the Vietnamese government will be on the President’s mind when he arrives in Hanoi on Monday. But President Obama must not forget about the Vietnamese people and their aspirations for a government that respects their rights and promotes their interests,” said APHR Chairperson Charles Santiago, a member of the Malaysian Parliament.

“Flowery words and diplomatic overtures can’t paper over the fact that Vietnam remains one of the most repressive states in our region, where ruling authorities severely restrict fundamental freedoms, and independent civil society groups and human rights defenders face brutal persecution. If President Obama wants to promote a partnership with Vietnam that benefits both countries in the long term, he must stand on the side of democracy and human rights,” Santiago added.

President Obama will begin his three-day visit to Vietnam the day after the country formally holds parliamentary elections. Over 100 independent candidates were excluded from running for seats in the National Assembly during a party selection process earlier this year, despite the Vietnamese constitution’s guarantee that any citizen is allowed to stand for election. ASEAN MPs urged President Obama to use the timing of his visit to raise the issue of free and fair elections with his Vietnamese hosts.

“Sunday’s so-called ‘election’ lacks any pretense of offering a real choice to the Vietnamese people; it cannot by any measure be considered open or democratic. President Obama should make a strong call for free and fair elections in Vietnam, as he has rightly done for other countries in our region, including Myanmar,” said APHR Vice Chair Eva Kusuma Sundari, a member of the Indonesian House of Representatives.

Parliamentarians also raised concerns about Vietnamese authorities’ recent acceleration of their crackdown on activists, bloggers, lawyers, and members of independent civil society groups and religious associations.

MPs urged the release of prominent bloggers, including Nguyen Huu Vinh and Nguyen Thi Minh Thuy, who were convicted in March 2016 under Article 258 of Vietnam’s Penal Code for allegedly “abusing rights to democracy and freedom to infringe upon the interests of the state.” They also called for a thorough investigation into the alleged torture of Tran Thi Hong, a member of the independent organization Vietnamese Women for Human Rights (VNWHR) and wife of prisoner of conscience Lutheran Pastor Nguyen Cong Chinh.

Recent moves to crack down on peaceful demonstrations, which have sprung up around the country calling for transparency and accountability surrounding mass fish deaths off the coast of Ha Tinh province, are also a significant concern, APHR said. Police have used excessive force to break up protests in multiple cities over the past several weeks, and authorities have also blocked Facebook and other social media platforms in an apparent effort to stem the spread of demonstrations.

“These cases demonstrate a pattern of action by the Vietnamese government that runs counter to its international human rights obligations,” said Charles Santiago.

Vietnam is a state party to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), which mandates that governments respect freedom of religion, assembly, association, and expression, as well as the right to free elections and fair trials. It is also party to the United Nations Convention Against Torture (CAT), which outlaws cruel and degrading treatment.

Parliamentarians called for revisions to Vietnam’s Penal Code, which empowers the government to arrest and imprison peaceful critics and has been used as a tool to clamp down on free expression.

“Vietnam must take steps to bring its legal and policy framework into line with international human rights standards. That means releasing political prisoners and scrapping legislative provisions that restrict basic freedoms,” Santiago said.

“Societies benefit from free expression and respect for religious and ideological differences. A Vietnamese public that is fully able to freely express their desires and concerns will strengthen the country, and Vietnam’s leaders must recognize that fact.”