Thailand’s emergency decree ‘an excuse’ to end pro-democracy protests, MPs say

Thailand’s emergency decree ‘an excuse’ to end pro-democracy protests, MPs say

JAKARTA – Southeast Asian lawmakers today heavily criticized the Thai government’s decision to introduce a new emergency decree that severely restricts peaceful assembly and expression, and grants the authorities powers to crackdown on all protesters. They called for it to be immediately rescinded, and for the authorities to immediately and unconditionally release all detained peaceful pro-democracy activists and protesters.

What’s happening now in Thailand is an outright blatant abuse of emergency powers to crack down on fundamental freedoms and shield those in power from any form of legitimate criticisms,” said Charles Santiago, Malaysian MP and Chair of ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR).

The thousands that have taken to the streets in Bangkok, and nationwide, have done so peacefully, and are fully entitled to raise concerns about the current state of democracy in Thailand,” he added.

The emergency order, which came into force in the early hours of 15 October, is a major threat to human rights in the country. It bans gatherings of five persons or more, and broadly prohibits the publication of news and information “which may instigate fear amongst the people” or that “affect national security or peace and order”. Under the decree the authorities could also arrest and detain people without charge for up to 30 days on grounds as vague as “supporting” or “concealing information” about the protests. During the announcement of the measure, authorities cited the need to “maintain peace and order” and that protesters had “instigated chaos and public unrest”.

Since its imposition, dozens of protesters, including three pro-democracy leaders, were reportedly arrested for their participation in the 14 October rally, which was part of a series of pro-democracy rallies held nationwide in recent months. These have largely been youth-led, and called for major changes to Thailand’s political order, including the dissolution of Parliament, the enactment of a new Constitution and reforms to the monarchy. Since the protest movement began, scores of individuals have faced illegal assembly charges, including those under an earlier COVID-19 emergency decree that authorities have routinely extended, despite the number of confirmed coronavirus cases being minimal nationwide.

Authorities must release the name of all those who have been arrested and ensure that they are given access to lawyers, their families and medical assistance if injured, APHR said.

We call on our fellow parliamentarians in Thailand to immediately exercise their oversight powers, by providing prompt and independent review of the necessity for the use of emergency powers and ensuring that people’s fundamental rights are protected,” added Santiago.

Cambodia: Civil Society Organizations Call for the Draft Law on Public Order to be Immediately Discarded

Cambodia: Civil Society Organizations Call for the Draft Law on Public Order to be Immediately Discarded

Click here for a Khmer version of this statement

PHNOM PENH – We, the undersigned national and international organizations and communities, call on the Royal Government of Cambodia (“RGC”) to immediately discard the repressive draft Law on Public Order and uphold its obligations under international human rights law. The draft law contains an extensive array of provisions that effectively criminalize the legitimate everyday activities of many within the Kingdom of Cambodia (“Cambodia”), in violation of their rights to freedom of expression, association, assembly and other protected human rights. If enacted, the draft law will become yet another piece of repressive legislation in a legal framework that severely undermines human rights.

The draft law has been written in an attempt to regulate public spaces and public behavior within those spaces. It covers aesthetics, sanitation, cleanliness, noise, and social values, all under the broad aim of maintaining “public order”. It endeavors to set out specific activities that are prohibited, lists a range of penalties that may be imposed for breaches, and grants unfettered enforcement powers to authorities across all levels of government, with the proclaimed objective of creating “a more civilized society”. We are gravely concerned about the multitude of overbroad and arbitrary provisions in the draft law which violate numerous human rights protections enshrined in the Constitution of the Kingdom of Cambodia (“the Constitution”) and human rights treaties to which Cambodia is a party, including the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (“ICCPR”) and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (“ICESCR”). Several of our key concerns are listed below, however the only way to remedy this unnecessary draft law is to discard it in its entirety.

1. Scope and purpose: The draft law is extensive in scope and includes such an expanse of prohibited actions that it would be virtually impossible to uniformly enforce, in contrast with longstanding universal rule of law principles. Art. 1 of the draft law states its purpose is “to ensure public order management by maintaining order, aesthetic value, sanitation, cleanliness of the environment, quietness, social stability, preservation of national tradition, and the dignity of citizens”. Many of these terms and categories are not defined, and are based on purported social objectives which are arbitrary, subjective and constantly changing. This lack of clarity leaves the primary justification for enforcing the law open to interpretation, making it impossible for the public to properly understand the law, predict what actions may contravene it, and comply with it. While public order is a legitimate aim under international human rights law – meaning that it can be relied upon to justify restrictions on some human rights in certain narrow circumstances – any restrictions in the name of public order must be necessary, proportionate, and the least restrictive means of realizing the aim.

2. Discrimination: The draft law disproportionately impacts certain marginalized groups, in contravention of anti-discrimination guarantees protected in the Constitution, ICCPR, ICESCR, and other binding human rights instruments. It negatively impacts economically disadvantaged members of society, as well as those who work in the informal economy, many of whom rely on activities prohibited by the draft law for their livelihoods. For example, Art. 11 prohibits “selling products on the roadsides that can affect public order”, a common source of income in Cambodia, while Art. 37(i) prohibits “all forms of begging”. Art. 11 also effectively prohibits homelessness, by banning the use of public space for “temporary shelters” without approval from the authorities. Everyone has the right to an adequate standard of living, and Cambodia currently lacks a system of social protection which can guarantee this right for the people most at risk in Cambodian society. Rather than supporting marginalized members of society, the draft law has the potential to further entrench poverty and economic inequality.

The draft law also contains provisions which seriously undermine the rights of individuals with mental health conditions, as well as facilitate discrimination and stigmatization. The draft law imposes arbitrary and unjustifiable restrictions on individuals with a so-called “mental disorder”, which is vaguely defined as “a change which results in the loss of the sense of right or wrong”. This definition lacks any legal or scientific basis and fails to require an expert medical diagnosis. It instead seems to determine an individual’s mental health on their ability to make a moral judgement, while failing to consider the severity of the “mental disorder”. It therefore fails to comply with international human rights standards for not determining what can amount to a “mental disorder” in accordance with internationally accepted medical standards. The draft law prohibits these individuals from “walk[ing] freely in public places” (Art. 25). This blanket restriction on the movement of a vast cohort of individuals, without requiring a determination as to whether it is absolutely necessary under the individual circumstances, impinges on the rights to liberty and freedom of movement as guaranteed by Art. 9 of the ICCPR, and violates rights protected under the International Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, which Cambodia has ratified. The draft law is deeply concerning as it strips people with mental health conditions of their most fundamental human rights and allows for blatant disability-based discrimination.

In addition to the above-mentioned groups, the draft law contains concerning provisions that could exacerbate discrimination against women (Art. 37, as analyzed below).

3. Freedom of peaceful assembly and association: The draft Law on Public Order raises serious concerns for the exercise of freedom of peaceful assembly and association in Cambodia. Arts. 6 and 30 require approval from authorities for the “use of public spaces”, and would permit authorities to stop an event if authorization has not been sought. In conjunction with Art. 48, which nullifies any existing, contrary provisions, the draft law effectively reverses the prior notification principle contained in Art. 5 and 7 of the Law on Peaceful Assembly and replaces it with a prior authorization requirement, in direct contravention of international human rights law, including under Art. 21 of the ICCPR. These provisions also provide grounds for the arbitrary interference that many individuals and associations already experience when holding events. In addition, Art. 31 of the draft law allows authorities to refuse or stop events based on six overbroad categories, including if the event causes “any hostility with the competent authorities” or “impact to public interests”, which is extremely broad and could be used to prohibit assemblies or events on the unfettered discretion of authorities without predictability or certainty in application and without due consideration for fundamental freedoms. Furthermore, Art. 33 prescribes a restriction on the number of attendees to events, not exceeding “two people within 1.20 square meters”. This arbitrary provision empowers authorities to illegitimately restrict peaceful assemblies or association activities by arbitrarily limiting the number of participants without requiring authorities to make an informed assessment as to whether it is necessary under the particular circumstances. Indigenous communities, grassroots associations, workers’ unions, and local activists depend on the ability to assemble to advocate for their rights, and will be severely harmed by such restrictive provisions. In the new General Comment 37, the UN Human Rights Committee affirms that States cannot rely on vague definitions of public order to justify overbroad restrictions, as this draft law does. The Committee emphasizes that “public order” and “law and order” are not to be confused, with the latter requiring states to exercise a “significant degree of toleration” for disruption caused by peaceful assemblies.

4. Freedom of expression: The draft Law on Public Order also allows for arbitrary infringements on the right to freedom of expression. Firstly, the law prohibits “speaking loudly” (Art. 16) and imposes a blanket curfew on any unauthorized noise “from 12pm to 2pm and from 10pm to 5am” (Art. 17) without meeting the requirement of necessity for achieving the aim of public order, in violation of the ICCPR. Moreover, Art. 36 – which prohibits men from being shirtless in public and women from wearing clothes that are “too short” or “too see-through” that “affect the national tradition and dignity” – violates freedom of expression, undermines personal autonomy and fails to define innately subjective standards of dignity, thus opening the door to unequal enforcement. Art. 36 will also exacerbate discrimination against women, who face negative gender stereotypes and entrenched patriarchal societal norms. In Cambodia women have been subjected to threats and imprisonment for their choices in clothing, with one woman convicted of a crime related to her clothing already in 2020. Further, the Prime Minister has publicly blamed women’s clothing for provoking gender-based violence, including sex crimes. Art. 36 would add to this culture of ‘victim-blaming’ by effectively criminalizing women, including survivors of violence, for their clothing choices. 

Ultimately, the draft law has the potential to severely restrict freedom of expression both online and offline. Art. 37 prohibits a broad range of unreasonably vague categories of expression where it affects “national tradition and dignity”, without elaborating on the standards of dignity to which the public will be held accountable to. This includes, for example, “exhibiting or disseminating writing or picture or using cursing words on social media”, showing arrogant behaviorand disseminating or posting writing, signs or pictures that represent any threat”. Extending the scope of the law to the online sphere gives rise to further concern due to the widespread repression of freedom of expression online in Cambodia, with 2020 baring witness to multiple arrests of individuals for expressing opinions online.

5. Penalties and enforcement: The prohibited activities in the draft law are subject to penalties ranging from “warnings” and “administrative penalties”, to “imprisonment and/or a fine”. Under the draft law an individual can be imprisoned for 1 – 6 days, and fined between 100,000 – 500,000 riels. The draft law fails to regulate the application of these penalties, enabling authorities to make discretionary determinations on the appropriate penalty for each prohibited activity, which risks misapplication, lack of uniformity in application, and lack of predictability in complying with and enforcing the law. Due to the draft law’s disproportionate targeting of economically disadvantaged people, it would impose fines on those who are least able to afford them. The grounds upon which imprisonment can be imposed are unacceptably vague, in violation of the principle of legality. Judging by international human rights standards, imprisonment is highly unlikely to be either a necessary or proportionate response to many breaches of this law, and thus is not an appropriate penalty.

Art. 6 raises concerns for the enforcement of the draft law as it empowers local authorities to “assign contractual officials to assist in maintaining public order”. “Security guards” or “para-police” hired by local authorities in Cambodia have a long track record of violently harassing individuals and human rights defenders seeking to exercise their rights, and are rarely held accountable. These contracted security forces operate in a legal vacuum, lacking regulation, accountability and training, and as such they represent a serious threat to the peaceful exercise of human rights.

The draft Law on Public Order has been released amid a crackdown on fundamental freedoms in Cambodia. Laws that grant overbroad and unfettered powers to the RGC are regularly misused to undermine human rights and target free speech. If brought into force, this draft law would further curtail the rights and freedoms of individuals in Cambodia to the detriment of the nation as a whole. We therefore call on the Royal Government of Cambodia to immediately discard the draft Law on Public Order in its entirety and uphold its obligations under international human rights law.

– END –

This joint statement is endorsed by:

1.Action Aid Cambodia (AAC)
2.Advocacy and Policy Institute (API)
3.Alliance for Conflict Transformation (ACT)
4.Amnesty International
5.Article 19
6.ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR)
7.Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA)
8.Banteay Srei
9.Beong Tunle Mrech Community
10.Boeung Trabek Community, Phnom Penh
11.Borei Keila Community, Phnom Penh
12.Bu Sra community, Mondulkiri province
13.Building Community Voices (BCV)
14.Cambodian Center for Human Rights (CCHR)
15.Cambodian Center for Independent Media (CCIM)
16.Cambodian Food And Service Workers Federation (CFSWF)
17.Cambodian Human Rights Action Coalition (CHRAC)
18.Cambodian Human Rights and Development Association (ADHOC)
19.Cambodia Indigenous Peoples Organization (CIPO)
20.Cambodian League for the Promotion and Defense of Human Rights (LICADHO)
21.Cambodian Youth Network (CYN)          
22.Child Rights Coalition Cambodia (CRC-Cambodia)
23.CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation
24.Coalition for Integrity and Social Accountability (CISA)
25.Coalition of Cambodian Farmer Community (CCFC)
26.Community Peace-Building Network (CPN)
27.Equitable Cambodia (EC)
28.Former Boeung Kak Women Network Community
29.Gender and Development for Cambodia (GADC)
30.Human Rights Watch (HRW)
31.Independent Democracy of Informal Economy Association (IDEA)
32.Indradevi Association (IDA)
33.International Commission of Jurists (ICJ)
34.International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH)
35.International Freedom of Expression Exchange (IFEX)
36.Khmer Kampuchea Krom for Human Rights and Development Association (KKKHRDA)
37.Khmer Thavrak
38.Khmer Youth Association (KYA)
39.Klahaan
40.Koun Kriel Community, Oddar Meanchey province
41.Labor Rights Supported Union of Khmer Employees of Naga World (L.R.S.U)
42.Land Conflict Community, Phnom Krenh Village, Pailin province
43.Lor Peang Community, Kampong Chhnang province
44.Minority Rights Organization (MIRO)
45.Mother Nature Cambodia (MN)
46.Natural Resources Protection Community in Krakor district, Pursat province
47.Neutral and Impartial Committee for Free and Fair Elections in Cambodia (NICFEC)
48.Not1More (N1M)
49.Phnom Bat Community
50.Phnom Kram Community, Siem Reap province
51.Phum 23 Community
52.Ponlok Khmer (PKH)
53.Prek Chik Village, Chi Kha Kraom Commune Land Community, Koh Kong province
54.Prey Peay Community, Kampot province
55.Railway Station, Toul Sangkae A Community
56.Sahmakum Teang Tnaut (STT)
57.SOS International Airport Community
58.Tany 197 Community, Chikhor Leur commune, Koh Kong province
59.The Cambodian NGO Committee on CEDAW (NGO-CEDAW)
60.Thma Da commune, Pursat province
61.Transparency International Cambodia (TIC)
62.Trapeang Sangkae Community, Kampot province
63.Women Peace Makers (WPM)
64.World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT)
65.Youth Council of Cambodia (YCC)
  
  
Regional MPs urge Myanmar Parliament to reject amendments to peaceful assembly law

Regional MPs urge Myanmar Parliament to reject amendments to peaceful assembly law

JAKARTA – Lawmakers from across Southeast Asia expressed serious concerns today over new, restrictive draft amendments to Myanmar’s peaceful assembly law, and urged members of the Myanmar Parliament’s Lower House to reject the proposed revisions, following the Upper House’s passage of the amendments on 7 March.

ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR) said that the draft amendments to the 2011 Peaceful Assembly and Peaceful Procession Law would place further burdensome restrictions on the right to free assembly and expression and constituted a step in the wrong direction for Myanmar.

“If passed, the amendments would not only stifle freedom of expression and peaceful assembly, but would also mark a significant shrinking of democratic space in Myanmar,” said Philippine Congressman Teddy Baguilat, an APHR Board Member.

“It’s especially sad to see such moves made under Myanmar’s first democratically elected government in decades. We had hoped to see a widening of space for civic freedoms, but instead the country appears to be backsliding,” he added.

Regional lawmakers were particularly concerned about the addition of clauses mandating prison terms for individuals who encourage others to be involved in demonstrations that could “harm” the country’s “security” and “public morality.” MPs also expressed concern over proposed requirements for protest organizers to inform local authorities 48 hours in advance and provide details about funding sources.

“Instead of strengthening the legal framework, these proposed changes simply make a bad law worse. Many are ambiguously defined and significantly widen opportunities for the authorities to further criminalize peaceful protesters under a law, which had already been used numerous times against students, farmers, and journalists,” Baguilat said.

“The Myanmar government should be creating an enabling environment that facilitates peaceful protests, rather than imposing undue controls that would allow for repression and abuse.”

APHR noted that civil society groups in Myanmar have also expressed opposition to the amendments, which were pursued without significant public consultation. Over 500 demonstrators marched in Yangon on 5 March to protest the proposed changes.

“We stand with civil society in voicing our concerns about these amendments, and it is critical that MPs in Myanmar listen to the demands of their constituents,” said APHR Board Member Eva Kusuma Sundari, a member of the House of Representatives of Indonesia.

The proposed amendments come amid a broader regional climate of hostility toward those seeking to exercise their rights to peaceful assembly and expression, APHR said, including an ongoing ban on political gatherings in Thailand and judicial harassment against peaceful demonstrators in the Philippines, Malaysia, and elsewhere.

“As lawmakers, we have a role to push back against this regression and continue the fight for a region that better protects and respects individual liberties and democratic norms,” Sundari said.

“We urge our fellow parliamentarians in Myanmar to fulfill their democratic duty and reject the proposed amendments in their current form in order to ensure that Myanmar does not continue to renege on its promises and slide further backward.”

Click here to read this statement in Burmese.

ASEAN MPs urge Australia to push for human rights improvements in Laos

ASEAN MPs urge Australia to push for human rights improvements in Laos

JAKARTA — Southeast Asian lawmakers have called on Australian officials to press for improvements to the human rights situation in Laos when they meet with the Lao government for their fifth bilateral human rights dialogue tomorrow in Vientiane.

In a submission to the Australian government, ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR) urged members of the delegation to raise critical concerns about restrictions on civil society and fundamental freedoms with their Lao hosts, and called for further inquiry into the case of Lao civil society leader Sombath Somphone, who disappeared after being stopped at a police checkpoint in Vientiane in December 2012.

“The human rights situation in Laos continues to be abysmal. Since Sombath’s disappearance, the space for independent civil society in the country – already one of the most repressive in the region – has narrowed considerably. Meanwhile, the public as a whole remains deeply fearful of raising sensitive issues,” said APHR Chairperson Charles Santiago, a member of the Malaysian Parliament, who has made multiple visits to Laos since 2012 to inquire about Sombath’s disappearance, as well as the broader situation for civil society.

“The Australian government has a chance with this dialogue to push for change, but officials need to be straight with their Lao counterparts about the harm their failure to protect rights has done and continues to do to their international image, as well as about the urgent need for tangible improvements, including an end to arbitrary detention, enforced disappearance, and draconian restrictions on basic rights.”

In their submission, parliamentarians highlighted restrictive decrees proposed in 2014 governing local and international organizations, as well as specific statutes limiting rights to freedom of expression, assembly, and association, such as Articles 65 and 72 of the Penal Law, which criminalize “anti-government propaganda” and restrict organizing and participating in public gatherings. MPs also noted the decision of ASEAN civil society groups in 2016 not to hold their annual regional gathering in Laos – then serving as ASEAN Chair – citing concerns for the safety of participants.

ASEAN MPs conducted fact-finding missions to Laos in January 2013 and September 2014 to look into the case of Sombath Somphone. During meetings with government officials, they pressed for answers and provided recommendations for how to strengthen the investigation, but concluded that the Lao government was doing little to pursue leads and had erected a “brick wall of silence” around the inquiry.

“The disappearance of such a prominent and respected member of the ASEAN community was a blow to civil society across the region, and the failure to quickly investigate the case damaged the Lao government’s credibility. It is disappointing to see how little the investigation has progressed since,” said Walden Bello, an APHR Board Member and former Philippine Congressman who joined a parliamentary delegation to Laos in 2013.

“We have still not given up hope that Sombath’s case will be resolved, but in order for that to happen, the international community – including Australia – must continue to press the Lao government for answers.”

Parliamentarians urged Australia and Laos to make public the content and focus of their discussions, including any commitments by Lao authorities to specific targets for improvement.

“We commend the Australian government’s commitment to engaging with Lao officials on human rights, and the dialogue itself represents an important first step. But it’s critical that the event be a substantive discussion of important issues and an opportunity to push for real improvements in the situation, rather than a shield for the Lao government to ignore its international obligations,” Bello added.

Click here to read the full submission.

Correction: The Lao Penal Law was amended in 2005, and article numbers were changed from their placement in the previous law from 1989. The articles relating to “anti-government propaganda” and public gatherings are currently Articles 65 and 72, respectively, not Articles 59 and 66. The linked submission reflects the original content submitted to the Australian government and therefore has not been updated to reflect this correction.

ASEAN lawmakers: Thailand moving in the wrong direction three years on from coup

JAKARTA – Parliamentarians from across Southeast Asia warned today that Thailand is moving in the wrong direction three years after the country’s military overthrew the last democratically elected government.

On the third anniversary of the 2014 coup, ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR) reiterated concerns over arbitrary arrests, persecution of government critics, and restrictions on fundamental freedoms. The collective of regional lawmakers said that moves by the ruling junta have dealt lasting damage to Thailand’s long-term democratic prospects, and urged military leaders to return the country to elected, civilian rule as soon as possible.

“In the past year, this military regime has further strengthened its hold on institutions to the detriment of both democracy and the economic well-being of the country. Its actions since taking power appear aimed at systematically and permanently crippling any hope of democratic progress,” said APHR Chairperson Charles Santiago, a member of the Malaysian Parliament.

“To put it bluntly, Thailand is headed in the wrong direction. With the military firmly in the driver’s seat and a new constitution that guarantees it a central role in politics for years to come, Thailand appears further from a return to genuine democracy than at any point in recent memory. Meanwhile, investors are increasingly nervous about the control exerted by elites in managing the country. The damage incurred will have severe, long-lasting consequences that will not be easily undone.”

A new military-drafted constitution, officially promulgated on 6 April, contains anti-democratic clauses, including provisions for an unelected prime minister and a wholly appointed upper chamber of parliament. A version of the charter was approved by voters in a controversial August 2016 referendum, which APHR criticized at the time as “undemocratic.”

“With its new charter, the Thai junta has designed something akin to Myanmar’s ‘disciplined democracy,’ a flawed system where the generals still hold key levers of power and are able to pull the strings from behind the scenes,” said APHR Vice Chair Eva Kusuma Sundari, a member of the House of Representatives of Indonesia.

“This is a real concern for all those hoping that the Thai people will be able to enjoy democracy and prosperity in the future. In order for Thailand to truly return to democracy, the military needs to step aside, allow for genuine elections, and commit to remaining in the barracks, rather than meddling in politics.”

Since seizing power on 22 May 2014, the military-led National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO) has placed severe restrictions on political activities and arbitrarily arrested hundreds for speaking out against it. Journalists, human rights defenders, and former politicians have been among those subjected to arbitrary detention and mandatory “attitude adjustment” at military and police facilities.

“The situation for human rights in the country has deteriorated. In the past three years, we have witnessed steadily increasing repression and a clampdown on basic freedoms. These developments are especially concerning in the context of a broader erosion of democracy and rights protections across the ASEAN region,” said APHR Board Member Walden Bello, a former Congressman from the Philippines.

“After repeated delays to promised elections, it’s not clear that the generals who currently hold power have any intention of giving it up for real. There are also real concerns among the international community about the continued use of Article 44 and its implications for accountability and human rights,” he added.

Article 44 of Thailand’s interim constitution enables the NCPO chief, Prayuth Chan-ocha, to unilaterally make policy and override all other branches of government, and Prayuth has used this sweeping authority to restrict fundamental freedoms.

Political gatherings remain banned, a clear violation of the right to peaceful assembly. Meanwhile, political parties are prohibited from holding meetings or undertaking any political activity.

The country has also witnessed a dramatic increase in the number of individuals arrested and charged under Article 112, Thailand’s harsh lèse-majesté statute, which outlaws criticism of the monarchy. Over 100 people have been arrested on such charges since the NCPO took power.

Press freedom has also come under attack. A new media bill, approved by the National Reform Steering Assembly, was repeatedly criticized by journalists and press freedom advocates. Though the final version of the bill forwarded to the cabinet earlier this month eliminated controversial proposed licensing requirements for media workers, it still includes provisions for government officials to sit on a regulatory body tasked with monitoring and accrediting media. This provision would undermine media freedom and constitute undue government interference into the affairs of the press, parliamentarians argued.

“The military government must recognize that a free, independent press is critical to a functioning democracy. It must also do a better job listening to civil society, including by ensuring adequate consultation with relevant stakeholders on all legislation,” Eva Sundari said.

“As Thailand moves into its fourth year under military rule, it is now more urgent than ever that concrete steps be taken to right the ship. Junta leaders need to understand that their actions, which fly in the face of international human rights norms and democratic standards, are no way to achieve a peaceful, prosperous future for Thailand,” Charles Santiago said.