Dec 12, 2022 | DFF, Statements
Jakarta, Indonesia
12 December 2022
To H.E. Hassanal Bolkiah, Prime Minister of Brunei Darussalam
To H.E. Hun Sen, Prime Minister of Cambodia
To H.E. Joko Widodo, Prime Minister of Indonesia
To H.E. Phankham Viphavanh, Prime Minister of Lao PDR
To H.E. Anwar Ibrahim, Prime Minister of Malaysia
To H.E. Ferdinand Marcos, Jr, President of the Philippines
To H.E. Lee Hsien Loong, Prime Minister of Singapore
To H.E. Prayut Chan-o-cha, Prime Minister of Thailand
To H.E. Pham Minh Chinh, Prime Minister of Viet Nam
To H.E. Charles Michel, President of the European Council
cc
Ambassador of the European Union to ASEAN, H.E. Mr. Igor Driesmans
Re: The situation of human rights and human rights defenders in Southeast Asia ahead of the inaugural ASEAN – EU Summit
Your excellencies,
We, former and current parliamentarians from four member states of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and Timor-Leste, and members of the European Parliament, have the honour to address you ahead of the first summit of leaders from our two regional organizations, ASEAN and the European Union, that will take place on 14 December in Brussels.
We are convinced that deepening cooperation is critical to addressing the many common issues that we are facing, from the climate emergency to the human and economic costs of crises such as those devastating Myanmar, Ukraine, Afghanistan, Yemen or Syria. While these crises present asymmetrical burdens in each region, there is a global responsibility to address them. We hope that the summit will also serve as a catalyst for both our regional organizations to take the urgent actions necessary to address troubling trends and worsening human rights crises.
Human rights defenders are at the core of free, fair and equal societies, and serve their communities often at great personal cost. The United Nations General Assembly recognised this key role when it adopted by consensus the Declaration on Human Rights Defenders (A/RES/53/144) in 1998, 50 years after the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
The 1998 Declaration clearly states in its first article that “everyone has the right, individually and in association with others, to promote and to strive for the protection and realization of human rights and fundamental freedoms at the national and international levels”. Individuals and communities across Southeast Asia have availed themselves of this right, courageously fighting for human rights in many ways and forms: journalists like Maria Ressa in the Philippines, and Pham Doan Trang in Vietnam; environmental and indigenous human rights defenders like Vannak Hun in Cambodia, Windel Bolinget in the Philippines, and Jonathan Mesulam in Papua New Guinea; women rights and LGBTQ+ rights defenders like Matcha Phorn-in in Thailand and Jolovan Wham in Singapore; and those defending democracy and claiming greater freedoms, like Roland Levy in West Papua, Indonesia.
Human rights defenders continue to suffer reprisals for their work, too often at the hands of the states that are meant to protect them. The Human Rights Memorial project documented the killings of 25 human rights defenders in Myanmar, the Philippines and Thailand in 2021, and the real number is likely to be several times higher. This year marks the 10th anniversary of the enforced disappearance of Sombath Somphone in Lao PDR, and the situation for human rights defenders in many countries across the region has only worsened.
As detailed in Front Line Defenders’ Global Analysis 2021, human rights defenders in the region face a wide range of threats, including: judicial harassment; defamation and smear campaigns, most notably the infamous practice of red-tagging in the Philippines; the abuse of Covid-19 related laws, like Cambodia’s widely criticized Preventive Measures law; and the weaponization of legislation like Indonesia’s Electronic Information and Transactions Law to silence defenders, especially anti-corruption activists.
Digital surveillance is a growing concern, using technology that is both domestically produced as well as imported from countries, such as China and Russia, that have weak human rights safeguards and due diligence. Thai human rights defenders and pro-democracy protesters have been targeted with NSO Group’s Pegasus spyware, as reported by Citizen Lab at the University of Toronto. However, no sophisticated software is required to target human rights defenders through technological means, as illustrated by the increasing practice of doxxing in Indonesia.
Some of the defenders most targeted are those working on labour rights, environmental rights, indigenous rights, women’s rights, journalists and those advocating for democracy and working on abuses of counter-terrorism legislation.
As parliamentarians, we remain particularly concerned about political violence and the targeting of elected representatives, including because of their human rights work. Former Senator Leila M. de Lima of the Philippines, imprisoned during the Duterte administration in 2017, remains the most high-profile case, but unfortunately it is not the only one. Former member of the Philippine House of Representatives and Board Member at ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR), Walden Bello, is facing politically-motivated charges of cyber-libel brought by the current Vice-President, Sara Duterte. After the 2021 coup d’état in Myanmar, the number of parliamentarians imprisoned in the ASEAN region spiked from one to 91; while judicial harassment against parliamentarians continued in Thailand and the Philippines, and escalated substantially in Malaysia. This is documented in the APHR report Parliamentarians at Risk: Reprisals against opposition MPs in Southeast Asia in 2021.
The situation in Myanmar remains dire in general, and for human rights defenders in particular. The Penal Code, particularly sections related to high treason, defamation and statements causing public disorder, is being widely used by the military junta to suppress dissent and freedom of expression. A 2022 report by Amnesty International has documented the use of torture and other forms of cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment by prison authorities against detainees, including human rights defenders, political dissidents, journalists and civilian protesters. The executions of Phyo Zeya Thaw, a former member of the National League for Democracy, prominent democracy activist Kyaw Min Yu, Hla Myo Aung and Aung Thura Zaw, represent an escalation in the junta’s human rights violations.
The coup in Myanmar has also put minorities such as the Rohingya at greater risk of persecution, including in their countries of refuge. The case of the killing of Rohingya human rights defender and community leader Mohib Ullah in Bangladesh is emblematic of the systematic silencing of marginalized communities. Rohingya journalists reporting on the various challenges faced by the community have suffered serious reprisals as a result of their work, as seen in the case of brothers Saiful and Aziz Arakani.
We, members of the European Parliament and ASEAN parliamentarians, therefore call on the authorities of ASEAN to:
- Reiterate publicly, including in the ensuing declaration of the summit, the valuable role played by human rights defenders in society, the importance of protecting human rights defenders and of properly investigating offenses committed against them, including killings and enforced disappearances;
- Refrain from making statements or declarations stigmatising the work of Human Rights Defenders, including through practices like red-tagging and smear campaigns;
- Improve, and develop when necessary, their national human rights policies, including specific policies addressing the protection of human rights defenders;
- Ensure that National Human Rights Institutions (NHRIs) are able to function independently and effectively, in accordance with the Principles relating to the Status of National Institutions (The Paris Principles);
- Stop using libel and defamation laws to silence government critics, activists, human rights defenders and parliamentarians in opposition;
- Immediately release, and drop charges against, all human rights defenders arbitrarily imprisoned for their legitimate human rights work, including Trần Huỳnh Duy Thức, Pham Doan Trang and Nguyen Lan Thang in Viet Nam; Victor Yeimo in Indonesia; Houayheuang Xayabouly, Lodkham Thammavong, Soukane Chaithad and Somphone Phimmasone in Lao PDR;
- Call on all parties to facilitate cross-border aid in Myanmar and neighbouring countries, by working in partnership with local humanitarian actors, ensuring the principle of non-refoulement and respecting international human rights law and international humanitarian law.
Saskia Bricmont, Member of the European Parliament
Sarah Jane Elago, former MP from the Philippines
Heidi Hautala, Vice President of the European Parliament
Botta Long, former MP from Cambodia.
Karsten Lucke, Member of the European Parliament
Hannah Neumann, Member of the European Parliament
Kunthida Rungruengkiat, MP from Thailand
Charles Santiago, former MP from Malaysia
Mu Sochua, former MP from Cambodia
Marianne Vind, Member of the European Parliament
Dec 7, 2022 | DFF, Statements
JAKARTA – Indonesia’s recently passed new Criminal Code includes problematic articles that could unduly restrict the right to freedom of religion or belief, freedom of speech and expression, as well as the right to privacy and sexual autonomy. This is a dismaying step backwards for the country, ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR) denounced today.
“While we understand the need for Indonesia’s Criminal Code, a product of colonial rule, to be revised, we are concerned with the amount of articles included in the Code that could be used to suppress civil rights as during the colonial era. We have made great strides towards democracy since the downfall of Suharto’s dictatorship, and the new Criminal Code threatens to reverse that progress,” said Eva Sundari, APHR Board Member and former Member of the Indonesian House of Representatives, “The government and House claim to have opened room for input from civil society, but that was evidently just for the sake of appearances, as they have largely ignored objections from academics, experts and human rights defenders.”
The chapter ‘Crimes against Religion, Beliefs and Religious Life and Beliefs’ dangerously places “religion or belief” under the purview of the law, and the inclusion of an article that prohibits publicly showing “contempt” against religious leaders can be used against religious minorities, who have often been the target of blasphemy laws in Indonesia in the past.
In the last decade, the use of blasphemy laws in the country has skyrocketed. The United States Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF) awarded Indonesia the dubious honor of being one of the 10 countries that most frequently enforce such laws, alongside Pakistan, Iran, Russia, India, Egypt, Yemen, Bangladesh, Saudi Arabia and Kuwait.
“Blasphemy laws only perpetuate intolerance and inter- and intra-religious conflict. This is particularly dangerous in a country as diverse as Indonesia, where peaceful coexistence and dialogue between different religious and ethnic groups should be encouraged,” said Sundari.
Besides the articles on religion, there are numerous other articles that threaten the hard-won rights to freedom of speech, expression, and assembly. One of them prohibits the spreading of communist and Marxist-Leninist teachings as well as that of “other ideologies that are contrary to Pancasila”. Other articles prohibit insults against the President, the Vice President, the government, and state institutions. The definitions in these articles are far too broad, opening up the door for them to be used against critics of those in power, said APHR.
Another article criminalizes holding unsanctioned public protests or demonstrations, in clear contradiction to the spirit of the Reformasi movement that brought about democratic reforms to Indonesia.
The articles criminalizing extramarital and premarital sex between two consenting adults as well as cohabitation of unmarried couples amount to another step backwards which clearly violates citizens’ right to privacy and opens up avenues for further persecution of the LGBTIQ community in the country.
“By drafting these problematic articles and allowing them to pass, the Joko Widodo administration has failed to live up to the commitment to democracy and human rights that it has so often claimed to espouse. The very least that President Joko Widodo can do is open the possibility for changes and judicial reviews within the next three years, before the new Criminal Code is fully in effect, and enact regulations that put strict limits on the articles that threaten human rights,” added Sundari.
Dec 2, 2022 | DFF, Statements
JAKARTA – Parliamentarians from Southeast Asia welcome the formation of a unity government in Malaysia led by Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim after the results of the 19 November general elections led to a hung parliament, and urge it to work towards realizing the citizenry’s aspirations for genuine democratic reforms.
“After several days of political uncertainty, it is commendable that Malaysian political parties and coalitions have been able to transcend their differences and take the interests of the nation at heart to form a new government. This is a historic moment of unprecedented unity, and the new government should use it to work in fulfilling the dreams of social justice, equality, and clean governance that the reformasi movement put on the agenda over two decades ago; there is much more for the rest of the world, including Southeast Asia, to learn from,” said Senator Risa Hontiveros, Member of Parliament from the Philippines and Member of the ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR).
The Reformasi (Reformation) was a political movement led by Ibrahim in 1998 after he was sacked from office as deputy prime minister by then Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad. Ibrahim was sentenced to 12 years in jail and that led to a series of mass protests followed by repressive crackdowns against activists, student leaders, and members of civil society. The Reformasi movement rallied for social, economic, and political change and it inspired a generation of pro-democracy activists in Malaysia and Southeast Asia in general.
Now the leader of that movement has become Prime Minister, and that amounts to a triumph for those who took part in Reformasi after years of struggle. Yet the new government faces great challenges, after four years of political instability in which there have been four prime ministers, and Malaysian politics have been plagued by high-profile corruption scandals. The new government is a fragile alliance of different parties, and may have difficulties implementing its reform agenda.
“Malaysia badly needs political stability to confront the many issues it faces, from the global economic crisis, impacts of climate change, corruption, to the decline in civil and political rights. Now is the time for all political forces in Malaysia to work together on moving the country forward,” said Eva Kusuma Sundari, former Member of Parliament of Indonesia and APHR Board Member.
The new government also confronts the problem of divisive identity politics, especially the divisive use of race and religion in politics by some candidates during the election campaign. Ibrahim said before the election that he would seek “to emphasize governance and anti-corruption, and rid this country of racism and religious bigotry,” and APHR would like to express its support for such endeavors, and assure the new government that it will support any policies aimed at reaching such goals, and denounce those that deviate from it. Having long been a part of the political opposition, APHR hopes that Ibrahim and the new government uphold their commitment to democracy and the protection of minorities.
“Some politicians have demagogically exploited racial and religious cleavages in certain sectors of Malaysian society in order to get votes. That is an extremely dangerous game that can easily get out of control and lead to tensions and even violence. The first priority of the new government should be leading the country to overcome past politics based on race and religion, and foster mutual understanding between the different groups that make up the vibrant and multicultural Malaysian society,” said Sundari, “These are problems that cut across all the countries in ASEAN and we hope that the new government can be the start of greater cooperation on these crucial issues across the region.”
Nov 30, 2022 | DFF, Statements
BANGKOK – กลุ่มสมาชิกรัฐสภาอาเซียนเพื่อสิทธิมนุษยชน เรียกร้องให้สมาชิกรัฐสภาไทยร่วมกับประชาคมโลกสนับสนุนประชาธิปไตยในเมียนมา มีนโยบายช่วยเหลือประชาชนเมียนมาอย่างจริงจังและมีประสิทธิภาพ เพื่อนำเมียนมาไปสู่ประชาธิปไตยแบบสหพันธรัฐ แม้ว่าเผด็จการทหารของ มิน อ่อง หล่าย ล้มเหลวในการควบคุมประเทศ แต่กองกำลังฝ่ายสนับสนุนประชาธิปไตยไม่สามารถขับไล่กองทัพออกจากการเมืองของเมียนมาได้เองโดยลำพัง กองกำลังที่ต่อสู้เพื่อประชาธิปไตยต้องการความช่วยเหลือจากพันธมิตรในประชาคมโลก
29 พฤศจิกายน 2565 เวลา 13.30 น. ที่สมาคมนักข่าวนักหนังสือพิมพ์แห่งประเทศไทย กลุ่มสมาชิกรัฐสภาอาเซียนเพื่อสิทธิมนุษยชน (ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights: APHR) โดยมี กษิต ภิรมย์ หนึ่งในคณะกรรมการของAPHR และ ชลิดา ทาเจริญศักดิ์ ผู้อำนวยการมูลนิธิศักยภาพชุมชน (People’s Empowerment Foundation :PEF) เป็นตัวแทนแถลงชี้แจงสถานการณ์การละเมิดสิทธิมมุษยชนที่เกิดขึ้นภายในเมียนมา พร้อมเรียกร้องให้สมาชิกรัฐสภาและสื่อมวลชนไทยให้ความสนใจกับสถานการณ์ในเมียนมา ย้ำว่าหากประเทศเพื่อนบ้านของไทยอยู่ในภาวะวิกฤต ปัญหาเหล่านั้นอาจกระทบมาถึงไทยผ่านทางชายแดน เช่น การลักลอบค้าสัตว์ป่าและทรัพยากรธรรมชาติ การค้ามนุษย์ การค้ายาเสพติดและอาวุธเถื่อน
“ประเทศไทยควรให้ความช่วยเหลือด้านมนุษยธรรมให้ตกถึงประชาชนคนตัวเล็กตัวน้อยของเมียนมาอย่างแท้จริง โดยการเปิดชายแดนให้ชาวเมียนมาหลบหนีมาหาที่ปลอดภัย เปิดรับผู้ลี้ภัยจากการสู้รบ และผู้ลี้ภัยทางการเมือง ให้เข้ามาอยู่ในไทยเป็นการชั่วคราว และให้ความคุ้มครองผู้ลี้ภัยทางการเมือง โดยไม่ผลักดันพวกเขากลับสู่ประเทศเมียนมาในขณะที่รัฐบาลทหารยังครองอำนาจ การให้ความช่วยเหลือด้านมนุษยธรรมเหล่านี้ ไทยไม่จำเป็นต้องจ่ายเงินมูลค่ามหาศาล เนื่องจากปัจจุบันมีสหประชาชาติและรัฐบาลต่างชาติให้ความช่วยเหลือด้านเม็ดเงินอยู่แล้ว นานาชาติเพียงต้องการให้ไทยเปิดทางแก่การส่งความช่วยเหลือด้านมนุษยธรรมข้ามพรมแดนมากขึ้น” กษิต ภิรมย์ คณะกรรมการของ APHR และอดีตรัฐมนตรีกระทรวงการต่างประเทศของไทยกล่าว
ทั้งนี้ นับตั้งแต่กองทัพเมียนมาทำการรัฐประหารเมื่อวันที่ 1 กุมภาพันธ์ 2564 สถานการณ์ในประเทศยังคงถดถอยอย่างต่อเนื่อง เผด็จการทหารนำโดย พล.อ. อาวุโส มิน อ่อง หล่าย ได้ทำสงครามกับประชาชนอย่างป่าเถื่อน และทำลายเศรษฐกิจของประเทศ โดยกองทัพได้สังหารประชาชนไปแล้วอย่างน้อย 2,371 ราย และมีผู้พลัดถิ่นหลายแสนคน เผด็จการทหารยังจำคุกนักโทษการเมืองไม่ต่ำกว่า 15,000 คน และทำให้การทารุณกรรมผู้ถูกจับกุมเหล่านั้นกลายเป็นกิจวัตร ซ้ำยังเปิดฉากปราบปรามเสรีภาพการแสดงออกและการรวมกลุ่มอย่างกว้างขวาง รวมถึง การปราบปรามสื่ออิสระและประชาสังคมอย่างรุนแรง
แม้อาเซียนจะพยายามแก้ปัญหาวิกฤตการณ์ในเมียนมา เช่น การออกฉันทามติ 5 ข้อ (Five-Point Consensus) เมื่อเดือนเมษายนปีที่แล้ว รวมทั้งการแต่งตั้งทูตพิเศษเกี่ยวกับกิจการของเมียนมา ทว่าจากรายงานการสืบสวนสอบสวนของคณะกรรมการการไต่สวนของรัฐสภาระหว่างประเทศเพื่อตอบสนองต่อวิกฤตการณ์ในเมียนมา (International Parliamentary Inquiry: IPI) พบว่าการแก้ปัญหาวิกฤตเมียนมายังไม่มีความคืบหน้า จัดได้ว่าประสบความล้มเหลว และโดยเฉพาะความช่วยเหลือด้านมนุษยธรรมของนานาชาติยังเข้าไม่ถึงคนตัวเล็กตัวน้อยในเมียนมา
“การช่วยเหลือยังจำกัดอยู่ในตัวเมืองบางเมืองที่อยู่ภายใต้อาณัติของฝ่ายทหาร การช่วยเหลือยังไม่ถึงมือประชาชนส่วนใหญ่ และมีจำนวนมากที่อพยพหนีตายมาอยู่บริเวณชายแดนไทย-เมียนมา ปัญหาอีกประเด็นหนึ่งคือบทบาทหน้าที่ของทูตพิเศษมีความจำกัดและไม่ชัดเจน และเป็นตำแหน่งชั่วคราว และไม่มีความต่อเนื่องในการทำภารกิจ ในการนี้จึงเห็นว่าฝ่ายอาเซียนควรแต่งตั้งบุคลากรเข้าร่วมในงานของทูตพิเศษเพิ่มเติม รวมทั้งการจัดตั้งองค์กรที่จะรองรับงานและขยายบทบาทได้มากยิ่งขึ้น และมีสถานะเป็นงานประจำ
ในส่วนที่เกี่ยวกับประเทศไทยนั้น ที่ผ่านมาเราเห็นได้ชัดว่ารัฐบาลไทยยังคงเลือกยืนอยู่ข้างรัฐบาลทหารเมียนมา และเพิกเฉยต่อความเดือดร้อนของประชาชนเมียนมา นโยบายของรัฐบาลไทยยังไม่เปิดให้มีการรับเข้ามาของผู้ลี้ภัยใหม่ และยังไม่เคยติดต่อพูดคุยกับฝ่ายประชาธิปไตยที่ต่อต้านฝ่ายทหารเมียนมา” ชลิดา กล่าว
ในขณะเดียวกันก็มีข้อสังเกตว่า บทบาทสมาชิกรัฐสภาไทยในเรื่องเมียนมานี้ยังมีความจำกัดอยู่ สมควรที่จะมีการทบทวนท่าที และดำเนินการบทบาทในเชิงรุก เพื่อช่วยร่วมแก้ปัญหาวิกฤตเมียนมา สมาชิกรัฐสภาชุดปัจจุบันควรเรียกร้องให้รัฐบาลไทยมีบทบาทในเชิงสร้างสรรค์ในการแก้ปัญหาชายแดน และการนำสันติภาพและประชาธิปไตยกลับสู่เมียนมา นอกจากนั้นรัฐบาลไทยก็ควรเปิดโอกาสให้องค์กรภาคประชาสังคมได้เข้าไปมีส่วนร่วมในการช่วยเหลือผู้อพยพลี้ภัย รวมทั้งการให้สื่อได้เข้าไปตรวจสอบจัดหาข้อมูลเพื่อนำเสนอต่อสาธารณชน
“เมื่อประเทศเพื่อนบ้านอย่างเมียนมาเดือดร้อน และเราไม่เข้าไปช่วยแก้ปัญหา ไทยจะกลายเป็นประเทศที่ได้รับผลโดยตรง เพราะปัญหาจะเข้ามาถึงเราผ่านทางชายแดนไทย-เมียนมา เช่น ปัญหายาเสพติด การค้ามนุษย์ และการลอบค้าทรัพยากรธรรมชาติ แร่ธาตุ สัตว์ป่า และอาวุธเถื่อน รวมถึงโรคระบาดที่ไม่ใช่แค่โควิด-19 ปัจจุบันสถานการณ์ด้านสาธารณสุขในเมียนมาอยู่ในขั้นวิกฤต เนื่องจากภาครัฐไม่อยู่ในสถานะที่จะดำเนินการช่วยเหลือดูแล เช่น การฉีดวัคซีนให้กับประชาชนพลเมืองได้ เพราะการสู้รบที่กระจัดกระจายไปทั่ว และความไม่พร้อมของฝ่ายกองทัพเมียนมาที่กุมอำนาจรัฐอยู่” กษิตกล่าวปิดท้าย
Nov 17, 2022 | DFF, Statements
JAKARTA – As the Myanmar military released four unjustly jailed foreigners in a mass amnesty this Thursday, ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR) wishes to congratulate their families. Yet this is no time to lower the guard with the military led by Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, as the prisoners should not have been jailed in the first place and thousands of Myanmar political prisoners remain in the country’s jails, APHR said.
As part of a mass amnesty in which 6,000 prisoners were freed, the junta released Sean Turnell, an Australian citizen and economic adviser to former State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi; Vicky Bowman, a former British envoy; U.S. citizen Kyaw Htay Oo; and Toru Kubota, a Japanese filmmaker. Another prisoner released is the former Chief Minister of Tanintharyi Region, U Myint Maung. Meanwhile, over 13,000 political prisoners remain in Myanmar’s jails, where conditions are notoriously abysmal and the use of torture is routine, often resulting in gruesome deaths.
“This is a game the Myanmar generals have been playing for a very long time. In the midst of continuous atrocities, from time to time they make an apparent gesture of goodwill, minor in comparison with the crimes they commit on a daily basis, in order to alleviate international pressure and gain legitimacy. No one should fall for this trick; the global community should not be fooled into thinking that Min Aung Hlaing and his henchmen have changed their ways,” said Kasit Piromya, former Thai Minister of Foreign Affairs and APHR Board Member.
Sean Turnell was arrested on 6 April 2021, five days after the coup, under the accusation of trying to flee the country with secret information. Vicky Bowman and her husband, Htein Lin, were arrested in August this year on immigration charges, and Toru Kobuta was detained in July when he was filming a demonstration against the military.
While they have been released, others have not been so lucky. According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, at least 73 detainees have died in police or military custody in police stations, military interrogation centers, and prisons since the coup last year. They include four political prisoners executed in July: Phyo Zeya Thaw, former lawmaker for the National League for Democracy (NLD); the prominent activist Kyaw Min Yu, known as ‘Ko Jimmy’; Aung Thura Zaw; and Hla Myo Aung. These were the first known judicial executions in Myanmar since 1988, according to Amnesty International.
Since the coup on 1 February 2021, the Myanmar military has committed all kinds of atrocities, which the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights has said may amount to “crimes against humanity and war crimes,” in order to consolidate its power against widespread popular resistance. The self-styled State Administration Council (SAC) led by Min Aung Hlaing has killed at least 2,465 people, launched indiscriminate aerial attacks in ethnic areas, and razed hundreds of villages to the ground, throwing the country into chaos, and leading it to the brink of becoming a failed state.
Meanwhile, the international response to the crisis has been sorely insufficient, as argued in a report launched recently by the International Parliamentary Inquiry into the global response to the crisis in Myanmar, an initiative organized by APHR and whose Committee is formed by eight parliamentarians from seven different countries in Africa, the Americas, Asia, and Europe.
“The international community has proven largely unable to respond effectively to the crisis. The junta’s international allies—most prominently Russia and China—have emerged as steadfast and uncritical supporters, supplying both weapons and legitimacy to an otherwise isolated regime. Foreign governments that profess support for democracy have not backed up their rhetoric with the same force of action,” said the report, titled ‘Time is not on our side’: The failed international response to the Myanmar coup.
The reasons for the mass amnesty, and the release of the three foreigners, remain unclear, but they come after an ASEAN Summit, in which its member states reaffirmed its commitment to the Five Point Consensus, an agreement signed in April 2021 to address the crisis in Myanmar that has been supported by the international community at large. The consensushas not produced any tangible results ever since, as APHR has repeatedly denounced.
“There is a legitimate concern that ASEAN member states are going to drink the kool-aid and treat the Myanmar junta with even kinder gloves after the release of these political prisoners. Against all reason, ASEAN is already sticking to an agreement that has proved an utter failure for over one and a half years, instead of doing the right thing to solve the crisis: put real pressure on the military, recognize the National Unity Government (NUG) as the legitimate authority in the country,” said Charles Santiago, former Malaysian Member of Parliament, APHR Chairperson, and one of the IPI Committee Members.
Nov 2, 2022 | DFF, Reports, Statements
International actors should help Myanmar to put an end to the violence and human rights violations perpetrated by the military junta since the coup in February 2021, put the country’s military under civilian control, and establish a federal democratic system, argued the International Parliamentary Inquiry into the global response response to the crisis in Myanmar (IPI) in its final report, published today.
The report, titled “Time is not on our side”: The Failed International Response to the Myanmar Coup, contains an analysis of the situation in Myanmar since the military takeover, as well as the reaction of international actors. Finding that the global response to the crisis has fallen woefully short of international obligations and standards, the IPI offers a set of recommendations to move forward and help the Myanmar people in their struggle against military dictatorship.
“It is imperative that the international community changes course on Myanmar as soon as possible, and those countries claiming to support democracy and human rights in the country live up to their stated commitments. They should begin with recognizing the National Unity Government of Myanmar (NUG) as what it is: the legitimate authority in the country; impose effective and coordinated sanctions on the junta, and address the terrible humanitarian crisis afflicting Myanmar,” said Heidi Hautala, Vice President of the European Parliament and IPI Chair.
The IPI is an initiative launched by ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR) in June 2022. Its Committee is formed by eight parliamentarians from seven different countries in Africa, the Americas, Asia, and Europe who are appalled by the situation in Myanmar since the military takeover.
Since the coup, the Myanmar military has committed acts which the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights has said may amount to “crimes against humanity and war crimes” in order to consolidate its power against widespread popular resistance to its rule, throwing the country into chaos, and leading it to the brink of becoming a failed state.
The IPI Committee has held a total of six public oral hearings online, as well as several private hearings, with dozens of stakeholders and experts, and has received dozens of written submissions. Two of its members conducted a fact-finding mission to the Thai-Myanmar border in August 2022.
The Inquiry has analyzed the response to the crisis in Myanmar of a wide variety of international actors, but has paid particular attention to the role of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), in which Myanmar is a member. In April 2021, ASEAN member states and the Myanmar junta, led by Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, signed the Five-Point Consensus to put an end to the violence, seek a negotiated solution to the conflict and address the humanitarian crisis. Since then, many countries have expressed their support for the agreement and largely deferred to ASEAN to solve the crisis.
“It has become abundantly clear that the Five Point Consensus has been an utter failure. General Min Aung Hlaing has shown an absolute contempt for the agreement he signed and for ASEAN’s member states, and the regional group has been unable to adopt a stance to put pressure on the Junta. Meanwhile, most of the international community has hidden behind ASEAN in order to avoid doing anything meaningful. It is past time that ASEAN ditches the Five Point Consensus and urgently rethinks its approach to the crisis in Myanmar,” said Charles Santiago, former Member of Parliament (MP) in Malaysia, APHR Chairperson and IPI Committee Member.
In the latest meeting of ASEAN foreign ministers on Myanmar, held on 27 October, the regional group agreed to “reaffirmed the importance and relevance of the Five-Point Consensus” while underscoring “the need to further strengthen its implementation through concrete, practical and time-bound actions.”
“ASEAN is not acting with the urgency that the situation in Myanmar demands. The group should have started to put real pressure on the junta and engage the NUG long ago. It is unacceptable that ASEAN continue to shirk their responsibilities to the people of Myanmar, and continue adopting half-hearted measures that only serve to embolden Min Aung Hlaing and his junta,” added Santiago.
International passivity has encouraged a sense of impunity within the Myanmar military, which most recently launched an airstrike on a multitude attending a music festival in Kachin state, killing at least 60 civilians. By the most conservative estimates, the junta has killed at least 2,404 Myanmar citizens, and arrested over 16,000 people.
The violence has also displaced hundreds of thousands from their homes, and the number of internally displaced people in the country now has reached 1.3 million, a terrible record in Myanmar’s history. Many interviewees during the IPI oral hearings described in vivid detail the humanitarian catastrophe afflicting the Myanmar people, as well as how the military junta is hijacking and weaponizing the delivery of humanitarian assistance.
“Myanmar is suffering a tragedy words cannot describe. The global community should urgently step up the delivery of humanitarian assistance, and it should work with local civil society organizations that know the terrain well, have ample experience and are trusted by the population. Millions of Myanmar citizens suffering the most grievous hardships cannot wait for long. International actors should leave politics aside and help the Myanmar people immediately,” said Mercy Barends, APHR Board Member and IPI Committee Member.
Click here to read the IPI report, “Time is not on our side”: The Failed International Response to the Myanmar Coup.
Click here to read the report’s Executive Summary and Recommendations in Burmese.
Click here to read the report’s Executive Summary and Recommendations in Indonesian.
Click here to read the report’s Executive Summary and Recommendations in Malay.
Click here to read the report’s Executive Summary and Recommendations in Thai.
